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Chinese Christian Community in Modern Singapore: The Case of the Jubilee Church, 1883–1942

by Qing Zhu and Yuanlin Wang
 *The School of Humanities, Guangzhou University, Guangzhou 510006, China
*Author to whom correspondence should be addressed.
Religions 2024, 15(10), 1284; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15101284
Submission received: 21 August 2024 / Revised: 7 October 2024 / Accepted: 17 October 2024 / Published: 18 October 2024
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Religious Pluralism in the Chinese Diaspora of Southeast Asia)

Abstract

The Chinese Christian community occupies an essential position in the pluralistic religious landscape of modern Singapore, which is known as a multicultural and multiracial immigrant society. Despite being a minority compared with Buddhists and Taoists in Singapore, the historical formation and contemporary existence of the Chinese Christian community in Singapore not only embodies religious diversity, but also contributes significantly to Singapore’s social development. This paper zooms into the founding and evolution of the Jubilee Church to see how Chinese Christians contributed to the revolutionary cause, took part in the anti-opium movement, and advanced educational activities in Singapore. Particularly, by establishing the Singapore Reading Room, participating in the founding of the Anti-Opium Society and the Chinese Kindergarten, the Jubilee Church played an important role in Singapore’s history, contributing to the modernization of Singapore in terms of advancing ideas, improving social order, and promoting education. We aim to shed light on how Chinese Christians were engaged in social activities, taking up significant roles in the transformation of the Chinese diaspora in Singapore. More importantly, we argue that these varied social engagements significantly impacted the development of Christianity. Through a detailed historical case study on the Jubilee Church, this paper proposes that social functions and religious evangelization are mutually constitutive, thus complicating our understanding of the entangled relationship among Chinese diaspora, Christianity, and motherland China.

 

1. Introduction

Singapore has been an immigrant society since the modern era. Each migrant group brought their religion and culture along with them, thus contributing to the religious diversity of Singapore. Chinese religions, such as Buddhism, Daoism, and popular and folk beliefs were imported by the influx of Chinese immigrants to Southeast Asia. Plenty of works have been produced in recent decades, usually revolving around the changes and continuities of Chinese tradition and culture in a diasporic context. Among them, the representative ones include Dean’s (2019, 2022) work on Chinese temple networks in Southeast Asia, Chia’s (2020) work on Chinese Buddhism in maritime Southeast Asia, and DeBernardi’s (2004) study on Chinese popular religion and identity formation in Malaysia. Topley (1961) emphasizes the social function of Chinese religious associations in Singapore that practiced traditionally focused folk beliefs, such as ancestor worship.
As insightful as these studies are, there remains a gap in our understanding regarding the history and development of Chinese Christianity in Singapore. This gap is partly due to the foreign origin of Christianity and partly due to the long-held belief that Chinese Christians were relatively small in quantity, occupied a marginal place in Singapore’s Chinese community, and thus had minimal influences in the Chinese diaspora. In works that took up the topic of Christianity, attention was predominantly placed on the activities of Western missionaries who laid out the historical development of Christianity in Singapore (Cook 1907; Greer 1959; Sng 1980). However, little attention has been paid to Chinese missionaries and Christians. It is worth noticing that Su (2010) presents a historical narrative that reveals the context and process of the spread of Christianity by American and British missionaries in Singapore, in which the preaching activities through education, publication, and medical service that were targeted at the Chinese community played a major part. However, his study was on the earliest phase of the spread of Christianity, which ceased in the 1840s when Western missionaries began to withdraw from Singapore and head to China. As a matter of fact, from the latter half of the 19th century up to the outbreak of the Pacific War, the number of Christians and the influence of Christianity grew exponentially and achieved great breakthroughs. Zhang (2015), a recent addition to the field, examines the history of Chinese Christians from 1819 to 1949 and analyzes the entangled relationship between Christianity, the Chinese diaspora in Singapore, and motherland China.
As more studies are being conducted on Chinese Christians in Singapore and other diasporic societies, this field has been greatly expanded and more interesting topics are being explored. For example, Leung (2004) focuses on the relationship between Chinese Christians and the Chinese Revolution. Zhu (2009) investigates cultural and religious adaption in the Chinese diaspora. DeBernardi (2020) focuses on the nondenominational evangelical movement known as the Open Brethren movement and its role in the global expansion of evangelical Christianity. Sim (2022) examines how Chinese evangelical leaders constructed their visions and versions of transnational Christianity across China and Southeast Asia through the 1930s and 1960s. These shifts in analytical focus and conceptual framework laid solid ground for this study, particularly in helping to reconsider the role and influence of Chinese Christians in the historical evolution of modern Singapore. Situating itself in an emerging field of diasporic Chinese Christianity, this paper argues that, although Christianity has long been considered a subculture in the Chinese community in modern Singapore, it is vital to the development of the Chinese community and the modernization of Singapore. What is more noteworthy is that in this study, we propose that the social participation of Chinese Christians is an essential guarantee for the vitality and development of the religion. The current availability of new materials and the progress in transnational history studies have made it possible to advance this topic in more depth.
This study focuses on the 140-year-old Jubilee Church (禧年堂) by fully utilizing the original church archives, commemorative volumes, Government Records, modern newspapers, memoirs of contemporaries, and other sources. In addition to the history of its missionary work and development in the modern era, we focus on the social activities undertaken by the Chinese pastors and Christians of the Jubilee Church, including using the Singapore Reading Room (星洲书报社) to support the Chinese revolution, participating in the Anti-Opium Society (振武善社) to help the Chinese get rid of opium addiction, and its educational initiatives such as establishing the Chinese Kindergarten (星洲幼稚园). We aim to reveal how the Chinese Christian community—the Jubilee Church, Chinese pastors and converts—played diverse roles in the modernization of China and Singapore in the modern era. We hope to highlight the agency and autonomy of diasporic Chinese Christians as embedded in a transnational Protestant network. We also attempt to explore how the active participation of Chinese Christians in secular social affairs can promote the spread of the gospel, foster the development of the church, and enhance the social status and influence of Chinese Christians. In doing so, we aim to enrich our understanding of the multivalent facets of the Chinese religion and community-building in Singapore.

2. The Missionary Work and History of the Jubilee Church

After Singapore was opened as a trading port in 1819, Western missionaries began their evangelistic work in the country. Samuel Milton, pastor of the London Missionary Society, was the first missionary to arrive in Singapore in 1819. He began to study Chinese and Malay diligently in order to preach among the Chinese and Malays in Singapore (Greer 1959, p. 7). The London Missionary Society then sent additional missionaries to Singapore. It should be noted that the missionary work among the Chinese in Singapore was in fact to set a preparatory stage for missionary work in China, which was not only in geographical proximity to Singapore but was also deemed strategically more significant for Western missionary work (Zhang 2015, pp. 18–19). Known as an important hub of East–West trade, Singapore was reputed to be the “Gibraltar of the East”. Due to its unique geographical location, Singapore became a crucial strategic stronghold of Western colonizers in Southeast Asia and one of the most important transshipping centers for Chinese migrants to the surrounding areas. For this reason, Western missionaries regarded Singapore as a mission center in Southeast Asia and also as the transit base, through which they could land on China’s coast more easily and penetrate deeper into the mainland. Records show that 150 Protestant missionaries came to China from 1807 to 1851. Among them, at least 32 missionaries had traveled to Malaya and Borneo, most of whom had previously conducted missionary activities in Singapore, Malacca, and Penang (Y. Wu 2000, pp. 527–38). It was in areas such as Singapore, Malaya, and Borneo that these missionaries were, as the title of one book puts it, “Waiting for China”; reaching China and evangelizing the Chinese masses was their ultimate aim (Harrison 1979).
After the Opium War, the London Missionary Society believed that the opportunity for missionary work in China had finally arrived. It was time for them to move the mission station from Malacca to Hong Kong. Rev. James Legge claimed that the decision to relocate to Hong Kong was a significant step forward because Hong Kong and Mainland China were undoubtedly more promising places for missionary work. His departure from Malacca to Hong Kong in 1843 marked the end of the historical mission of the Ultra-Ganges Mission. In 1846, when the London Missionary Society decided to shut down all their operations in Malaya, the missionary work in Singapore had already stagnated, while the number of Chinese people converting to Christianity was small (Su 2010, pp. 24–25). The Christian missionary work among the Malays was also unsuccessful, with the twelve Malays who had been baptized eventually reverting to the Islamic faith (Sng 1980, p. 111). However, as the number of Chinese migrants in Singapore increased dramatically, Singapore again became an area of interest to Christian missionaries. The Jubilee Church, dated back to the 1880s, was born in this second stage of the missionary work carried out by Western missionaries in the Chinese community in Southeast Asia.
The Anglican Church came to Singapore and built St. Andrew’s Cathedral in 1862. Realizing many Chinese in Singapore were Hokkien-dialect speakers from Southern Fujian, Rev. William Henry Gomes quickly picked up the local language and translated the English prayer books and hymns into the Hokkien dialect in 1872. In addition, he founded a training school for preachers, which paved the way for more active and frequent missionary activities. In 1875, he built St. Peter’s Church, where most attendees were Chinese Christians and the language used included Hokkien, Foochow, and Malay. As a result of his efforts, 356 people were baptized in the mission between 1872 and 1890 (Zhang 2015, pp. 32–33). From the 1880s until the outbreak of the Pacific War, Singapore Christianity emerged from a period of hardship and entered a season of harvest. The most important feature of this period was the increase in the number of Chinese Christians and the expansion of their influence. The development of the Jubilee Church serves as a good testimony and a representative case.
In 1881, the English Presbyterian Mission sent John Angus Bethune Cook to Singapore to promote outreach work. Rev. Cook arrived in Singapore and stayed there for two weeks. After that, he proceeded to Swatow in China to learn the Teochew dialect and gain missionary experience. Rev. Cook returned to Singapore the following year to take charge of the mission station in Bukit Timah, the predecessor of the Gloria Presbyterian Church, where he began preaching in the Teochew dialect. In 1883, he set up a new mission station, which was situated next to the Thong Chai Medical Institution (同济医院). A large number of patients converged on the Thong Chai Medical Institution every day to seek free medical treatment, which allowed Cook to reach out to more people with the gospel. This mission station was the infant stage of the Tanjong Pagar Church, which was renamed the Jubilee Church in 1946. Cook hired Yang Jingxiang, a Chinese from Zhangzhou in southern Fujian, as a preacher to help him spread Christianity among the Chinese (The Jubilee Church 1983, p. 9; Lee-Wang 2024, pp. 35–58).
In 1889, Archibald Lamont was sent by the English Presbyterian Church to preach in Singapore, primarily to the Chinese from Fujian. He preached using the Hokkien dialect, which he acquired in Singapore. He not only preached to the public but also to prisoners in the prison hospital where he visited once a week regularly. The number of people who came to the church to worship and listen to the sermons gradually increased. Thanks to his arduous efforts, the Tanjong Pagar Church also grew quickly. It is worth mentioning that he took charge of the Eastern School, which was also a catalyst for the development of the Church (The Jubilee Church 1933, pp. 5–7).
After the departure of Lamont in 1898, Tay Sek Tin (郑席珍) was recruited to take charge of the church’s affairs and became the first Presbyterian Chinese pastor in Singapore. Tay Sek Tin (1872–1944), also named Tay Ping Teng (郑聘廷), was one of the most influential pastors among the Chinese Christians in Singapore. Tay was born in Huian and studied at the elementary school started by the Yiban Church before moving to Shihua Middle School, which was associated with the main church in Huian City. Upon finishing there, he studied theology for two years at Kulangsu Shendao School. After graduating, he began serving at the Taishan Church as a preacher in Amoy. He also spent time working for the Tingzhou church. He had already served as a pastor in China when he was young and was very knowledgeable and experienced in preaching. He converted to Christianity at the age of 13 and was ordained a pastor in 1896. However, after a few years of evangelistic activity in this new area, Tay was forced to return to Amoy because of health issues. In 1897, Tay left for the warmer climate of Southeast Asia, arriving in Penang, where the Methodist Church ordained him (Luo 2005, p. 59). Shortly after arriving in Penang, Tay was invited by Lamont, whom he had previously known in Amoy, to serve as a teacher at the Eastern School in Singapore. In 1898, he was ordained as Singapore’s first Chinese Presbyterian pastor. In 1901, Rev. Cook, Rev. Tay and others co-initiated the Singapore Presbyterian Church (新加坡长老大会). The churches participating included the Glory Church, the Providence Church, and the Jubilee Church, among others. Rev. Tay served as the chairperson of the Presbyterian Church in Singapore for an extended period (The Jubilee Church 1983, pp. 46–50).
Tay Sek Tin’s arrival contributed to the Chinese congregation’s growth, which could no longer be accommodated in the existing church. Tay devoted himself to promoting the development of the church. For example, he actively engaged in raising funds to construct a new church building. In 1904, the church purchased a piece of land near Tanjong Pagar Road. On 21 June 1904, John Anderson, Governor of Singapore, attended the foundation stone-laying ceremony, signaling an important official endorsement. The Governor congratulated the church members and praised them for collecting funds for the building. Their generosity was highly appreciated as a demonstration of Christian sincerity in action. The Governor also spoke highly of the Chinese who were not Christians but had made outstanding contributions to the building (Song 1923, p. 362). Finally, the building was completed on 13 January 1905. It had two floors with a chapel downstairs and accommodation rooms upstairs. The church was named Tanjong Pagar Church, after the road along which it was constructed. In the spring of 1912, Tay Sek Tin retired. Nevertheless, he continued to serve as an honorary pastor, volunteered when needed, and resumed active supervision during the vacancy in the church’s pastorate from 1917 to 1919.
After Tay Sek Tin’s term, Tan Leng Tian (陈令典) took over the job. Coming from Longxi, Fujian, he was born to a Christian family and received his secondary education at Chengbi Institution in Kulangsu, Amoy. After graduating from the Institution, he started teaching at Fuyin Primary School and became its principal in 1905. He began his missionary work at Amoy in 1911. Five years later, he was ordained as a pastor. In 1919, he was invited by the Tanjong Pagar Church to start his missionary work in Singapore. Together with Tay Sek Tin, Tan set up the Chinese Kindergarten and served as its head for ten years.
As the size of the Tanjong Pagar Church’s congregation continued to grow, the church building reached its capacity limit, and there was no alternative but to look for a new site. For this reason, the Church Building Preparatory Committee was formed to purchase a section of parkland at Outram Road in 1938. The new church was built in 1939 and was renamed Outram Road Tanjong Pagar Church. In 1946, coinciding with the post-World War II restoration victory, the church was officially renamed the Jubilee Church, which has remained in use ever since.
The above shows that the Jubilee Church was born in the historical context of Christians expanding their influences in Asia, particularly by reaching out to the overseas Chinese diaspora. The Jubilee Church grew significantly in terms of the number of its members and the upgrading of infrastructures, such as the construction of new church buildings. It is also noteworthy that the power of the pastors was gradually transferred from Westerners to the Chinese, most of whom were born in southern China and gained missionary work experience in their native places. However, what makes the Jubilee Church occupy such an important and unique position in the history of Chinese Christianity in modern Singapore lies in its socio-political activities, including publicizing revolutionary ideas, campaigning against opium-smoking, and promoting education for under-aged children.

3. The Jubilee Church and Revolutionary Activities

An essential aspect of the Jubilee Church’s uniqueness among Singapore religious organizations lies in its close association with the revolutionary activities of the Tong Meng Hui (同盟会). The Jubilee Church was closely associated with the Chinese nationalist-cum-revolutionary movement that was known as being initiated from overseas at the turn of the twentieth century. The Singapore Reading Room, founded by the Jubilee Church, was a key venue for disseminating revolutionary messages to the overseas Chinese community in Singapore. The Singapore Reading Room played a significant role in the dissemination of Sun Yat-sen’s revolutionary ideas and the success of the 1911 Revolution.
The Singapore Reading Room is the earliest Chinese Reading Room in Southeast Asia. Some studies have mentioned the history of the Singapore Reading Room and its support for the revolution (Yen 1976; Leung 1987). However, they have not examined how Christians’ support for the revolution influenced the development of the Christian Church, lacking an in-depth discussion on the mutual relationship between the Church and the revolution. From the perspective of the history of Christian development in Singapore, Chinese Christians’ participation in revolutionary activities expanded their social networks, enhanced their level of social engagement, elevated their social status, and provided more resources and support for the development of Christianity.
Rev. Cook and Tay Sek Tin founded the Singapore Reading Room in February 1903. They rented a house on Kling Street, where they provided the public with newspapers and magazines free of charge (Thien Nan Sin Pao 1903a). The main aim of founding the Reading Room was to provide reading facilities to poor young people in the hope of converting them to Christianity. Providing free reading materials could arouse public interest in learning. Newspapers and books could cultivate people’s political awareness, arousing patriotism and nationalistic feelings among the Chinese (Thien Nan Sin Pao 1903b). The Reading Room preached the Christian gospel every Wednesday night to interested persons to recruit new converts (Teo 1977, pp. 91–92).
In the early days, the Singapore Reading Room had fewer members and less social sponsorship. Therefore, the Jubilee Church covered most of the expenses. The Reading Room also invited well-known Chinese personalities in Singapore to give speeches to the public. Some of the early speakers included Tan Hun Chiu (陈云秋), Yuan Shou Min (袁寿民), Teo Eng Hock (张永福), and Tan Chor Lam (陈楚楠), among others (Thien Nan Sin Pao 1905; Lat Pau 1906). Tan Hun Chiu and Yuan Shou Min were famous reformist leaders, but Teo Eng Hock and Tan Chor Lam were renowned revolutionary leaders. Although Tay had a political objective in starting the Reading Room, he did not take a clear stand on the prevailing political themes of reformism or revolution at that time. Both reformist and revolutionary leaders were its patrons, and Tay occasionally invited them to give public talks.
With the sound operation of the Singapore Reading Room, there was a growing number of supporters from the Chinese community in Singapore. Both Christians and non-Christian Chinese found it pioneering and novel; thus, they were very much attracted to it. An increasing number of people were willing to donate to the Reading Room, which provided a significant funding source for the church (Thien Nan Sin Pao 1905). In 1906, after the completion of the new church building, Tay Sek Tin allocated the second floor to the Reading Room, and, subsequently, the Reading Room moved into the church.
Tay Sek Tin and Chinese Christians became more inclined toward revolutionary ideas than reformism. Chinese revolutionary leaders such as Teo Eng Hock, Tan Chor Lam, Lim Nee Soon (林义顺), and Lim Chwee Chian (林推迁) frequently interacted with Tay Sek Tin to promote revolutionary ideas. Around 1904, the Singapore Reading Room had already become a group closely associated with the revolutionary activities of the Tong Meng Hui, and the revolutionary forces in Singapore had been strengthened (Teo 1977, p. 90). In 1905, Sun Yat-sen (孙中山) came to Singapore to establish the Singapore Branch of the Tong Meng Hui. Teo Eng Hock and others informed Sun Yat-sen about their work at the Singapore Reading Room and reported to Sun that the Reading Room could serve as a platform for disseminating revolutionary ideas. Sun spoke highly of the Reading Room and agreed that it should be fully exploited for revolutionary purposes. Sun asked the local leaders to scout for potential recruits there. Additionally, Sun visited the Reading Room and commended Tay Sek Tin for his contributions and efforts (Teo 1977, p. 91).
The revolutionaries achieved good results in their ideological work with the Reading Room and Christians. Tay Sek Tin joined the Tong Meng Hui in 1906. The Reading Room extended a special invitation to the leaders of the Tong Meng Hui to come and give speeches. Hu Hanmin (胡汉民), Wang Jingwei (汪精卫), Ju Zheng (居正), Tian Tong (田桐), Tao Chengzhang (陶成章), Zhang Ji (张继), and others all delivered speeches at the Reading Room to propagate revolutionary ideas and nationalism. The Reading Room began to serve as a venue for disseminating revolutionary ideologies and recruiting new members for the Tong Meng Hui.
The close relationship between the Reading Room and the revolutionaries made Singapore Chinese Christians more closely related to the revolutionaries. Many Chinese Christians joined the Tong Meng Hui, including well-known figures such as Sheng Jiuchang (盛九昌), Lin Hangwei (林航苇), Wei Hsu Tung (魏谞同), Xie Jiyuan (谢己原), Chiam Seng Poh (詹承波), Li Binghui (李炳辉), Ho Man Lum (何晚霖), Li Ching Ju (李镜仁), Lu Li Peng (卢礼明), and others (Teo 1977, p. 348; Sheng 1994, p. 3; Chiam 1948, p. 5; Li 2023, p. 127). Teo Eng Hock once commented: “Because of the recommendation of Tay Sek Tin, a considerable number of Christians joined our party. Thus, many of our party members were Christians” (Teo 1977, p. 348).
Many Chinese Christians began to assist in organizing revolutionary speeches and participate in political affairs. Sheng Jiuchang recalled how he used to play the accordion on the street as fellow Christians handed out leaflets to attract listeners to these talks held at the church. Sheng returned to Quanzhou in 1907 to participate in revolutionary activities and was elected as the vice-chairman of the Quanzhou branch of the Tong Meng Hui (Sheng 1994, pp. 3, 52). Lin Hangwei encouraged Chinese Christians to support the revolution and contribute to the salvation of the motherland at the Singapore Chinese Christian Youth Association (新加坡基督教华人青年会) (The Sun Poo 1909, p. 2). Tay Sek Tin, Lin Hangwei and Wei Hsu Tung took advantage of a campaign to raise funds for the relief of typhoon victims in Foochow in 1909, through which a drama troupe named the “Fan Ai Pan” (泛爱班) was formed to deliver speeches and propaganda for the revolution (Lat Pau 1909). Xie Jiyuan returned to China many times to participate in revolutionary uprisings. After the establishment of the Republic of China, he returned to serve as the Chairman of the Guangdong Provincial Assembly (Ding 2004, p. 108). Chiam Seng Poh returned to Teochew to support the Huanggang Uprising (黄岗起义) and, after its failure, returned to work at the church in Singapore (Chiam 1948, p. 7). In 1911, when the Tong Meng Hui planned an uprising in Guangzhou, members from both within China and overseas responded enthusiastically. Li Binghui returned to Guangzhou and joined Huang Xing’s daring squad to attack the residence of the Governor General. After the fierce fight against the Qing troops overnight, Li sacrificed his life and was buried at the Huanghuagang Martyrs’ Cemetery, where he is listed among the “Seventy-two Martyrs of Huanghuagang” (黄花岗七十二烈士) (Zou 1939, p. 176). Ho Man Lum was known as the “Braidless Man” for cutting off his Manchu queue. He supported Sun Yat-sen’s revolutionary cause and collaborated with a group of revolutionary comrades to raise funds in Singapore for the revolution (Li 2023, p. 127).
The successful penetration of the Singapore Reading Room was, from all points of view, an event of great significance for the revolutionary movement. Besides opening up a new field for revolutionary propaganda, it provided a pattern for the successful infiltration of revolutionaries into social institutions throughout Southeast Asia (Yen 1976, p. 112). In March 1905, a group of Chinese Christians in Kuala Lumpur, led by Pang Chak Man (彭泽民), founded the Youth Benefit Association, which was affiliated with the church and whose primary purpose was propagating revolutionary ideas (The Sun Poo 1910, April 8, p. 7). The Anglican Church in Kuching set up the Qi Ming Reading Room (启明书报社) in 1905. The leader of the Chinese congregation, Kong Kwai Yan, was a revolutionary. As expected, this association soon became a supporting platform for the Chinese revolution. In view of the rising national consciousness among the Chinese converts in the Church, the Western clergy of the Kuching Anglican Church even believed that Sun Yat-sen’s revolutionary activities were highly beneficial to the Anglican Church’s missionary work. During this period, Bishop Monsieur was also invited to the reading room to give a talk titled “A Christian’s View of the Chinese Revolution”.
The 1911 Revolution represents the first historic transformation of China in the 20th century, holding significant historical importance. Firstly, it overthrew the decaying feudal rule of the Qing Dynasty, ended over two thousand years of monarchical autocracy and initiated a modern national democratic revolution in its true sense. Secondly, it established the first bourgeois republic government in Chinese history and made the concept of democratic republicanism take root in people’s hearts. Thirdly, it enacted a series of decrees conducive to the development of the national capitalist economy and bourgeois democratic politics, creating certain conditions for the development of national capitalism. Lastly, it struck a blow against the aggressive forces of imperialism and had a significant impact on promoting the national liberation struggles of various countries in Asia.
The members of the revolutionary faction in Singapore were primarily lower and middle-class laborers, and their connections with religious groups were actually quite limited. However, the Chinese Christian community, especially the Jubilee Church, was an exception. We have not found activities of Chinese Buddhist and Taoist groups in Singapore actively spreading revolutionary ideas. Participation in revolutionary activities was not supported by the colonial government at the time, and even risked violating local security laws and regulations. Therefore, the Chinese, especially the wealthy ones, who participated in revolutionary activities were still a minority. Moreover, these wealthy Chinese merchants often obtained nominal titles from the Qing government through donations, maintaining good relations with the Chinese government and showing little interest in revolutionary activities. The Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce is a prime example of this. Thus, the support of Chinese Christians from the Jubilee Church for the revolutionary movement is even more commendable.
There are several reasons why Singaporean Chinese Christians would support the revolution of the Tong Meng Hui. First, the doctrines of Christianity are consistent with the ideas of the Revolutionary Party. Christianity emphasizes the pursuit of a better institutional society, and the revolutionary party seeks to establish a nation that is democratic, free, and scientific. Second, the revolutionaries focused on propaganda within Christian churches and the Reading Room and received support from pastors such as Wong Nai Siong (黄乃裳) and Tay Sek Tin, thereby winning sympathy and support for the revolution among other Christians. Additionally, Sun Yat-sen’s Christian identity also played a role. While scholars have debated the genuineness and depth of Sun’s faith, the fact remains that his Christianity was highlighted by both missionaries and Chinese Christians and used as a tool to attract others to the church (White 2017, p. 218). Third, the strong attachment to their homeland led Chinese Christians to engage in revolutionary activities. Many Chinese Christians of the Jubilee Church were immigrants from Fujian Province, with some having already joined the Christian faith in their hometowns. They were mainly from the working class or the lower strata of society and had strong nationalistic sentiments. Thus, they tended to support the revolution and the construction of a new China. Most Chinese Christians in Singapore who supported the revolution were of this immigrant category. The Straits Chinese and Peranakan Chinese, born in Singapore or having lived there for many years, lacked an emotional connection to their homeland, particularly its cultural heritage. Although these Chinese Christians also possessed the spirit and ideas of Christianity, it was still not sufficient to lead them onto the path of supporting the Chinese revolution. Song Ong Siang (宋旺相), a well-known Chinese Christian in Singapore, belongs to this category. He was not interested in the revolutionary activities of the Tong Meng Hui, but instead focused on other religious and social activities within the Christian community in Singapore.
Above, we have thoroughly explored how the Chinese Christian community in Singapore supported the revolution from the perspective of revolutionary history. Next, we will further examine this history from the perspective of Chinese Christianity by discussing how the participation of the Chinese Christian community in revolutionary activities affected the development of the Christian church and Chinese Christians. We have summarized the three aspects in which the participation of the Chinese Christian community in the revolution has significance for the Jubilee Church and Chinese Christians.
First, Chinese Christians changed many people’s views on Christianity by supporting the Chinese revolution. Due to its founding of the Singapore Reading Room and participation in various activities to spread revolutionary ideas, the Jubilee Church increased the exposure of Christians in the Singaporean Chinese community. This high exposure led more Chinese people to learn about Christianity and overcome prejudices against it, resulting in its acceptance by an increasing number of Chinese people. As a Western-derived foreign religion, Christianity was faced with criticism regarding its compatibility with the Chinese identity. The outbreak of the Boxer Rebellion (义和团运动) further intensified the aversion many Chinese people felt towards Christians. Lim Boon Keng (林文庆), a prominent Singaporean Chinese of that time, once published a series of essays about Western culture in the Singapore Free Press, which were reprinted in “The Chinese Crisis from Within in 1901”. Lim concluded that Christianity was not compatible with the Chinese identity, as he stated, “As soon as a man becomes a Christian he really ceases to be a Chinaman, from the native point of view. He literally becomes an outcast of his own choice” (Lim 1901, p. 325). He held that the Chinese consider the family to be such a fundamental institution that they are very suspicious of the Christian Religion, which anticipates, as one of the consequences of its progress, that “brother shall deliver up the brother to death, and the father the child; and the children shall rise up against their parents, and cause them to be put to death” (Lim 1901, pp. 320–21).
However, Sun Yat-sen maintained multiple identities—originating from Guangdong, being a Christian convert, and holding political and nationalistic beliefs—that were interchangeable following different circumstances. Sun Yat-sen’s propaganda for the revolution in Singapore in his early years benefited tremendously from these multiple affiliations with different groups of people. Therefore, being a Chinese, a revolutionary-cum-nationalist, and a Christian convert were in no way conflicting, but rather compatible and even mutually enhancing. The case of the Singapore Reading Room further demonstrates that Chinese and Christian identities were not in conflict, but were mutually reinforcing. Many Chinese Christian pastors and congregations in Singapore were greatly influenced by Chinese culture, and Christianity did not necessarily constitute an obstacle to the national identity of overseas Chinese. Many Chinese Christians in Singapore still had a strong sense of Chinese national identity. They were deeply concerned about the political changes in the motherland as well as the survival of the nation. They were even involved in political struggles in China. The support of Christians for the revolution facilitated their contact and communication with the Chinese community, enhanced people’s understanding and affinity for Christianity, and played a significant role in the development of Christianity within the Chinese community.
Second, the Jubilee Church, Reverend Tay Sek Tin, and the Chinese Christian community established good relations with the revolutionaries in Singapore, which enhanced Christians’ status and participatory capacity within the Chinese community. This laid the groundwork for the later involvement of Chinese Christians in the anti-opium movement and the establishment of the Singapore Anti-Opium Society (振武善社). After the founding of the Republic of China, the status and influence of the Christian community that had supported the revolution were further elevated. The report of the Chinese Mission in 1908 by the Rev. Cook provides compelling evidence, as it states, “The Chinese Reading Room has raised for lectures, classes, purchases of literature and other purposes, no less a sum (including sales of books) than $2146. This money is given almost entirely by non-Christian Chinese merchants, who believe in Tay Sek Tin and the great work he is doing” (The Straits Times 1908, p. 7). Among the sponsors were many revolutionary leaders, such as Teo Eng Hock, Tan Chor Lam, Lim Nee Soon, and Lim Chwee Chian.
Third, with increased interaction with the Chinese community, the status of Chinese pastors was also elevated. It should be admitted that such collaboration was not without suspicion. The Singapore Government was skeptical of the Tong Meng Hui for fear that the revolutionary activities of the Chinese would disrupt the social order in Singapore. Not only were the revolutionaries sometimes suppressed, but also the Chinese Christian churches that supported revolutionary activities were often subjected to occasional surveillance. Rev. Cook expressed dissatisfaction that the Singapore Reading Room was being used as an organ for revolutionary propaganda. Here, Rev. Tay played a crucial mediating role in negotiating with the Western pastors. Using his charm and eloquence, he successfully made the Westerners feel sympathetic to the struggles of Chinese nationalists-cum-revolutionaries to the extent that they finally decided to keep reticent on the matter. The spread of Christianity in the Chinese community in Singapore was not entirely dominated by Western missionaries. Chinese missionaries played an important, if not a major, role in the missionary process. The Chinese and Western missionaries formed entangled relationships characterized by compromising and cooperation.
After founding the Republic of China in 1912, Sun Yat-sen became the President of the Republic of China. He issued a certificate of Merit (旌义状) to commemorate the contributions made by the Singapore Reading Room in the revolution. The Christian churches in Singapore held a grand prayer meeting for the Republic of China. Both the Governor of Singapore and the Chinese Consul General in Singapore attended this event (Song 1923, p. 494). Many Chinese Christians who supported the revolution were heavily utilized by the Government of the Republic of China and became government officials, such as Wong Nai Siong, Xie Jiyuan, Pang Chak Man, and Sheng Jiuchang. Revolutionary leaders closely associated with the Chinese Christian community in Singapore even became honored guests of Sun Yat-sen, which led to an increase in their influence within Singaporean Chinese society. The relationship between Western missionaries and the Chinese Christian community in Singapore evolved from a hierarchical one of leadership and followership to one of mutual dependence. Chinese Christians began to play an increasingly important role in both church work and social affairs within the Chinese community.
From a humble beginning in 1903 with only 50 members, the Singapore Reading Room grew to 600 in 1913. Among them, 81 were elected board members, many of whom had been former Tong Meng Hui or Kuo Min Tang (国民党) members during 1913. The 1913 office of the Reading Room was led by Lim Nee Soon, a founder of the Tong Meng Hui and one of the three presidents of the Kuo Min Tang in Singapore. Its treasurer, Lew Hong Sek (留鸿石), was a former Tong Meng Hui member, a Kuo Min Tang office-bearer, and vice-president of the Chinese Merchants’ Guild of Commerce and Industry. Christians began to proclaim their faith increasingly through participation in social services. The bonds formed by these various activities often overlapped. Church communities took advantage of secular networks for evangelistic purposes, and in turn, those secular networks sometimes co-opted these church connections for purposes of lesser religious significance. As a Western religion and culture, Christianity has been denounced by many nationalists and intellectuals as “a tool of imperialist aggression”. However, the close connection between Christianity and Sun Yat-sen’s revolutionary party facilitated mutual exchange and cooperation between Christians and nationalists.

4. The Jubilee Church and the Anti-Opium Movement

The Singapore Reading Room made Tay Sek Tin and many Chinese Christians well-known in the Singapore Chinese community, and this reputation further prompted them to play an essential role in the subsequent Anti-Opium Movement.
Following the opening of Singapore in 1819, millions of migrants from the southern part of China were imported as cheap labor into Singapore. Coming from low social status, they were involved in all kinds of “coolie” jobs. Even if they were at the bottom of the colonial society, their economic condition was much better off than that of their hometown peers. For example, they often received several times the salary of their domestic counterparts. After working for a few years and being a little frugal, they could become well-off enough to return to their hometowns. The lives of Chinese laborers in Singapore, however, were pervaded by bad habits, with many of them indulging in smoking, gambling, or visiting prostitutes.
The Christian missionaries had long recognized the evils of opium. In 1820, Rev. William Milne described it as follows:
“In East India and the regions east of it, opium is smoked with great ferocity and is the principal cause of much mischief, while the merchants make great profits from it. Whenever I speak of it, I feel extremely disappointed and cannot refrain from expressing contempt and disgust. I am obliged to point out that opium is one of the chief causes that prevents the moral improvement of East India and China. It is an act that destroys the social order, rapidly impoverishes the many and enriches the few, who are of the lowest character. If this is sanctioned by the governments of Christian countries, and is still a part of the source of the national revenue, it is truly shocking”.
(Milne 1820, p. 318)
In 1848, there were 15,043 drug addicts in Singapore, a third of the adult population (Little 1848). Robert Little, who is a Presbyterian and a surgeon of the Government, was the first to express anti-opium sentiment. Little wrote an article entitled “On the Habitual Use of Opium in Singapore”, establishing the evil impact of opium smoking on addicts, both physical and financial, and proposing control over the spread of smoking. The gist of his proposal was to raise the price of opium beyond the reach of ordinary people and to diminish the facilities for obtaining it (Little 1848). However, Little’s proposal was not to attack the root causes of the opium-smoking problem. Understandably, he did not wish to seek confrontation with the Government by proposing a ban on opium. He planned to discourage opium-smokers who, for financial reasons, might eventually give up their habit. His proposal appeared to have no effect at all on the Government’s policy at the time, but his sentiment was later shared by some European missionaries (Cheng 1961).
Throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Singapore’s economic development derived mainly from taxes on opium, spirits, and gambling. Notably, the practice of tax farming on opium played a significant role, whereby the right to collect opium taxes was auctioned off to a contractor. The contractor paid a lump sum for an entire year’s opium taxes to the Government and then collected taxes from the market based on the tax charter. The tax farming system, a common tax collection system in the early colonial period of modern Western countries, helped reduce tax collection costs, improve efficiency, and ensure stable revenues. In Singapore, opium tax farming was a primary source of government revenue, constituting 50 percent of the total tax income (Trocki 1990, p. 72). Many Chinese community leaders were even opium dealers, such as Cheang Hong Lim (章芳琳) (Dean 2021).
Rev. Cook of the Jubilee Church had a profound detestation for opium. He referred to the consumption of opium, gambling, and prostitution as “The Chinese Trinity of Evils” and demanded that Chinese Christians resolutely stay away from these three vices (Cook 1907, p. 62). The morality of opium sale and use did concern many Christians. They exhorted people to avoid using opium, stating that its use was sinful, and offered opium addiction treatments at their dispensaries. However, Christians did not dare to lead a movement to oppose the opium trade, due to the fact that the Government’s monopoly on the sale of opium formed the foundation of the colonial economy and they relied on colonial authorities for access to prisons, hospitals, and leprosariums for missionary work.
On the other hand, the opium trade was a great hindrance to missionary work. When two missionaries and a Chinese evangelist did open-air preaching in Singapore, a young listener retorted, “Yes, it is all very well to tell us Chinamen to believed Jesus, and to leave off sinning, while at the same time you send us the opium”. One of the missionaries responded by demanding that his listener buy a New Testament portion worth a penny for $1. When he refused, he observed, “If the English Government does send you the opium surely you have the power to refuse to buy it?” But he also confessed that they “inwardly felt ashamed to think that such a thing could be levelled at us as British people” (Thoburn 1894). Lim Boon Keng once pointed out that how Europeans imposed the opium trade on China had led the Chinese to conclude that Europeans had only one aim, i.e., to make money irrespective of rights or morals. Although missionaries consistently attacked opium trafficking and consumption, the opium trade had led many to discount Christian teachings, such as “unselfishness, benevolence, and virtue” (Lim 1901, pp. 294–95).
Singapore’s anti-opium movement, which was primarily a development of the twentieth century, was a branch of the worldwide movement of fighting against opium. In the 1890s, an anti-opium sentiment was brewing but confined only to a small group of missionaries and a few enlightened Chinese. This group of Chinese was actively engaged in organizing anti-opium meetings and publishing anti-opium articles. However, their enthusiasm did not turn into concerted and systematic efforts.
The rise of modern overseas Chinese nationalism in Singapore after the 20th century stimulated the growth of anti-opium sentiment (Yen 1982). The shame of being citizens of a country that was stigmatized as “the sick man of the East” prompted modern Chinese nationalists to search for the causes of China’s decline. They identified opium-smoking as the main evil that weakened the nation. Since the early twentieth century, a Chinese elite-led anti-opium movement took off with total energy. The idea of an opium refuge for Singapore first formed itself in the mind of Dr. Yin Suat Chuan (殷雪村) as a result of his experience with the victims of vice in the course of his ordinary practice. He embodied his idea in a lecture on “The Method of Managing an Opium Refuge supported by the Chinese Community”, which he delivered in the Singapore Reading Room at the beginning of 1906. There was no immediate response to the lecture. It was several months later that he explained the scheme to Sun Sze Ting (孙士鼎), the Consul General for China in Singapore, in the course of an ordinary conversation, without anticipating any particular outcome. It was with a pleasant surprise that he received a communication from the Consul about a month later, announcing his intention to bear the initial expenses of the proposed institution (Straits Chinese Magazine 1906). The initial plan was to set an example for others to follow and, at its later stages, to confer power to local Chinese elites. Some Chinese pastors volunteered to take part in it. For example, Tay Sek Tin and Xie Jiyuan conducted persuasion; at the same time, Yin Suat Chuan served as a doctor, providing aid to twenty opium addicts every session (The First Historical Archives of China 1998, p. 325). One month later, Consul Sun began to secure some means of permanent support and approached the Chinese Chamber of Commerce (中华总商会) in the hope that it would guarantee the maintenance of so valuable an institution. However, the Chamber declined the responsibility. Part of the consideration was that many of their fellow Chinese businessmen were involved in opium-related dealings. Additionally, they feared the Colonial Government would interfere with the movement as it undermined their interest (Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce 1906).
Meanwhile, Tay Sek Tin, having anticipated this decision of the Chamber, was quietly and effectively working for the institution among local Chinese residents. He assembled a committee of gentlemen ready to take over from the Consul, should the application to the Chamber prove unsuccessful. Consul Sun, Tay Sek Tin, Tan Hung Chew (陈云秋), Tan Boo Liat (陈武烈), Wang Bangjie (王邦杰), Shen Lianfang (沈联芳), and twelve others, convened a meeting at the second floor of Jubilee Church (the Singapore Reading Room) to discuss matters of the anti-opium movement. More than 70 people were in attendance, and 13,000 dollars were raised in a short time. The Roman Catholic rented them a house at a very low price for its benevolent purpose (Straits Chinese Magazine 1906). Lim Boon Keng and Yin Suat Chuan were recommended as volunteer doctors. This institution gradually expanded with more and more members joining it. It was formally established as the Anti-Opium Society in 1907, the Chinese name being Zhen Wu Shan She (振武善社). Its lineage can be traced to Zhen Wu Zong She in Shanghai, a major anti-opium smoking endeavor in China (Xin Guo Min Newspaper 1931). On 10 July 1907, the Singapore Anti-Opium Society held a grand inaugural meeting, attended by approximately five hundred Chinese individuals. People who were seated at the front and delivered speeches represented two main groups: one consisted of leaders of the Chinese community, such as Lim Boon Keng, Yin Suat Chuan, and Tan Boo Liat; the other was made up of Christian pastors, such as Tay Sek Tin, W. D. Ashdown, J. A. B. Cook, and K. E. Pease. At the end, Rev. Cook was invited to address the audience. He delivered a brief speech in the Teochew dialect, calling for the Chinese community to unite against opium (The Straits Times 1907). With a membership of more than 500 and a fund of $15,000 within months, the Society founded a refuge in Tank Road offering free treatment for opium addicts (L.-T. Wu 1959, p. 237).
Tay Sek Tin and others initiated a printed publication, the Monthly Antidote (解毒月报), to warn overseas Chinese away from smoking and to help them get rid of their opium addiction. The London Missionary Society also actively supported the anti-opium campaign in the Straits Settlements, often speaking in public in support of the movement (The National Archives of the United Kingdom 1906a). Various Christian churches conducted speeches and activities against opium. They encouraged people to quit using opium and urged the Government to prohibit opium as soon as possible. For instance, they argued that “the habitual use of opium is prejudicial to the best interests of the individual and the community” (The Straits Times 1908).
The attitudes of Chinese Christians at the Jubilee Church towards the anti-opium movement were very different from those of the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce. The Chamber had held meetings to discuss whether to support the Anti-Opium Society, but most of the representatives were against it, arguing that “the Chamber is established for business purposes” and should not get involved in anti-opium activities (Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce 1906). On one hand, many opium traders were members of the Chamber; on the other hand, the Chamber was uncertain about the stance of the colonial government and did not want to offend it. Chinese Christians like Tay Sek Tin, however, did not have such concerns, and the Christian church always had a tradition of opposing opium, thus they were able to take on this responsibility proactively.
The establishment and activities of the Singapore Anti-Opium Society also had a significant impact on the anti-opium movements in other regions of British Malaya. Anti-opium societies were established in quick succession in British Malaya. Dr. Wu Lien-Teh (伍连德) set up an Anti-smoking Society in Penang. This Society received equally enthusiastic support from the Penang Chinese, who raised $16,000 within a few months. Additionally, this Society founded an opium refuge, providing free treatment for addicts. Another key leader was Chen Shunan (陈树南), a Chinese Christian from the Foochow Methodist Church (福灵堂). He was a renowned physician and had served as the president of the Singapore Reading Room (Li 2023, pp. 53–55). Chen Su Lan organized the Anti-Opium Society in Kuala Lumpur (The National Archives of the United Kingdom 1906b).
The London Missionary Society and the Chinese Christian community provided support for the anti-smoking movement in British Malaya, which included public opinion advocacy through newspapers and financial sponsorship (L.-T. Wu 1959, pp. 297–98). In October 1906, Joseph G. Alexander, Secretary of the British Anti-Opium Society, and Member of Parliament Robert Laidlaw traveled to Malaya. Anti-smoking activists arranged meetings for them across Malaya, from Penang to Singapore, invited them to visit opium rehabilitation centers, and facilitated meetings with anti-smoking leaders. They expressed their condemnation of the opium trade and encouraged the public to participate in the anti-smoking movement in speeches at major gatherings. The enthusiasm of the public for these gatherings was high, with over 2000 people attending a public meeting held in Penang’s Chinatown on October 26th alone (The National Archives of the United Kingdom 1906c).
Anti-smoking organizations in different parts of Malaya joined forces and rotated their meetings from port to port. The first general meeting was held in Perak in 1907, where all ports sent their delegates. Owing to the organization of Tay Sek Tin and Yin Suat Chuan, the meeting was successfully carried out. One key issue raised was the cultivation of a particular kind of herbal medicine that could alleviate symptoms of addiction. The raw material of this medicine mostly came from Kuala Lumpur. They also initiated a joint request to the Colonial Government, asking for a strict suppression of opium trafficking. The movement was surprisingly well-organized and well-coordinated. Its main aim was not to seek confrontation with the Government over the opium issue, but to restrain opium-smoking among the Chinese population. Its main thrust was to apply public pressure on opium addicts and would-be smokers. To apply pressure on addicts, the use of the media was the key to success. The spread of Chinese newspapers granted the media tremendous influence within the Chinese community. Their constant coverage of the harm of opium, both physical and financial, issued a stark warning to addicts, prompting them to seek assistance from the Anti-Opium Society to break their habit. Public lectures and conferences were organized to bring the issue further into the public arena. At least three anti-opium conferences were held in Singapore and Malaya before 1911, which were well attended and successfully captured public attention.
Given the mounting criticisms of opium smoking and the trade in opium from various quarters, the British Foreign Office instructed the Straits Government to establish a special Commission to investigate the opium problem in British Malaya. This Commission was duly set up in July 1907 and the Christian Church in Singapore was actively involved, with Rev. William F. Oldham being one of the six commissioners. Ultimately, considering the financial factors, the British Colonial Government did not abolish the opium trade; instead, it prohibited private opium sales and took over the centralized management and monopolization of opium sales. This measure, to some extent, limited the public’s consumption of opium. Chinese Christians and leaders of the Chinese community in Singapore who assisted in founding the Anti-Opium Society and initiating a series of anti-opium movements were instrumental to the government’s policy on restricting the sale of opium, as well as in helping many Chinese individuals overcome their opium addiction. The Christian church’s involvement in the Chinese community’s anti-smoking campaign represented a case of positive interaction with the local society. Their dedicated endeavors in the movement earned the Christian church a good reputation among Singapore’s Chinese community, further facilitating the development of Chinese Christianity in Singapore.
The Singapore Reading Room and the Anti-Opium Society significantly enhanced the reputation of the Jubilee Church, leading to increased favor and support from the Chinese community in Singapore. In 1908, Teo Eng Hock donated a piece of vacant land to Rev. Tay Sek Tin, and individuals such as Lim Nee Soon, Chen Xianjin (陈先进), and Chen Fuxiang (陈福祥) contributed funds and materials to assist Rev. Tay in establishing a chapel. This chapel became the second branch of the Tanjong Pagar Church, which is known today as Spiritual Grace Presbyterian Church (灵恩堂教会). The Anti-Opium Society consistently provided treatment for opium addicts, and this group also became an important target for the evangelism of the Jubilee Church. When the Jubilee Church’s evangelism team visited the Anti-Opium Society, they often observed that many patients were willing to listen attentively and accept the truth with sincere hearts (Chng 1937, p. 56). Participation in the anti-opium movement earned Christians a good reputation, and the prejudices some Chinese people previously held against Christianity were also greatly reduced. Lim Boon Keng once had some reservations about Christianity, but later he became a revolutionary comrade and partner by joining Christians in the revolution and the anti-opium movement.
In 1911, Rev. Tay’s health was gradually deteriorating, to the point where he suddenly lost his voice at one time. He later resigned from the church, relinquishing the burdensome duties associated with it. Lim Nee Soon, being a fellow member of the Tong Meng Hui and a leader of the Reading Room, noticed that Tay was no longer serving as a full-time pastor and invited him to join his rubber plantation business and become a shareholder. Tay also took on the director role at Han Yang Plantation Ltd. As a result, he acquired a certain level of wealth. He generously contributed financial support to the founding of the Chinese Kindergarten and other activities of the Jubilee Church. Tay Sek Tin also achieved integration into Singapore society and upward social mobility as a new immigrant through the multiple networks of the Jubilee Church, the Tong Meng Hui and the Anti-opium Society.

5. The Jubilee Church and the Educational Activities

The Jubilee Church not only actively participated in Singapore’s social affairs through the Reading Room and the Anti-Opium Society, but also made outstanding contributions to promoting education in modern Singapore. It founded the Chinese Kindergarten (星洲幼稚园) in 1920, through which it promoted early childhood education and improved the education system of modern Singapore. The Chinese Kindergarten was the first kindergarten in Singapore and spearheaded the process of early childhood education. The success and influence of the Chinese Kindergarten positively impacted the Jubilee Church by enhancing its reputation, fostering its growth, and facilitating the construction of a new church building.
Until the 1920s, Singapore had no kindergartens. Hsu Tong Phan (徐东藩), a Chinese Christian teacher at Ai Tong School (爱同学校), realized that preschool education did not receive the same importance as primary school education in Singapore. He believed preschool education could provide a better foundation for the children. As a Christian, he widely promoted the concept of preschool education among his fellow believers and hoped that a well-funded church would take the initiative to establish a kindergarten. Liao Chaojie (廖超杰), a member of the Jubilee Church and the treasurer of the Singapore Reading Room, strongly agreed with Hsu’s opinion and advocated it to the church’s pastors, Tan Leng Tian and Tay Sek Tin. Tan and Tay decided that the Jubilee Church would establish a kindergarten. Chinese Christians such as Yin Yan (殷宴), Lv Dishan (吕砥山), Zhang Yuqing (张玉青), Yang Tianci (杨天赐) actively joined the kindergarten’s preparatory committee. They drafted fundraising letters and solicited donations. Many Chinese individuals were willing to give their support. A total of 47 Chinese served as sponsors in the fundraising letter, including the aforementioned Chinese Christians, as well as Lim Nee Soon, Tan Keng Hian (陈敬贤), Lee Chin Tian (李振殿), Chia Thian Hock (谢天福), Lee Kong Chian (李光前), Lew Hong Sek(留鸿石), and others. In the fundraising letter, members who expressed approval numbered 39, including Lim Chwee Chian, Hong Shenfu (洪神扶), Qiu Guowa (邱国瓦), Chen Xianjin (陈先进), Qiu Yangzhen (邱扬阵), Lin Wuwu (林戊午), and others.
Analysis of this list revealed that most of the supporters were members of the Kuo Ming Tang that was reorganized from the Tong Meng Hui, and many of them had become Singapore’s affluent and influential merchants. They had become close friends and comrades with Tay Sek Tin through their participation in revolutionary activities. Therefore, they strongly supported the educational and charitable endeavors of Tay Sek Tin and the Jubilee Church. The fundraising efforts resulted in a total of $26,000, effectively resolving the initial financial difficulties (Xin Guo Min Newspaper 1921). Lim Chwee Chian, chairman of the Ee Ho Hean Club (怡和轩俱乐部), played a significant leading and contributing role in this fundraising. Tay Sek Tin, an important member of the Ee Ho Hean Club, greatly expanded his network of personal relationships and social capital.
The working committee then searched for a location for the kindergarten. Tan Leng Tian found a private school that occupied a one-story house next to the Jubilee Church. Rev. Tan made a request to take over the school’s management and succeed. Then, the committee established the Chinese Kindergarten there on 11 October 1921. The Chinese Kindergarten became the first educational institution for preschoolers in Singapore (The Chinese Kindergarten 2021, p. 10). In 1921, the Chinese Kindergarten enrolled 27 young children. By 1922, the number of students had increased to 80. The increase in enrollment brought about a shortage of classrooms, and thus, the Chinese Kindergarten had to use the adjoining Jubilee Church, converting the premises into classrooms (The Chinese Kindergarten 2021, p. 12). By then, the Jubilee Church had become a church community that integrated the Reading Room, the Chinese Kindergarten, and the Christian worship hall, and the Chinese community in Singapore highly valued it.
To resolve the problem of classroom shortage, the Board of Directors of the Chinese Kindergarten decided to construct a new school building. Rev. Tan then sought donations from the Chinese Community once again. Tan Keng Hian, Lee Chin Tian, Chia Thian Hock, Lee Kong Chian, Hong Shenfu, Lin Wuwu, Chen Jimin (陈济民), Lin Miaoqiong (林妙琼), and others generously contributed once more. They raised a total of more than $20,000 this time. As the funds still fell short of the required amount to build a new school, Rev. Tay and Rev. Tan approached Rev. Cook to appeal for financial assistance from the Colonial Government. Recognizing the importance of early childhood education, the Government granted a site of 7000 square feet of land on Tras Street, which was in close proximity to the original location of the Chinese Kindergarten, for the construction of the new school building. In addition, the Government offered to bear the cost of $25,000, equivalent to half of the expenditure on building construction (The Chinese Kindergarten 2021, p. 12).
The construction of the Chinese Kindergarten commenced on 22 December 1924, with Major-General Sir Theodore Fraser, the General Officer Commanding Malaya Command, officiating the ceremony to lay the foundation stone. By December 1925, the new building was ready for operation. The new three-story building had 12 classrooms on the second and third floors and looked magnificent among the lower buildings in the vicinity. The Chinese Kindergarten’s Board of Directors offered primary education in 1927, allowing students who graduated from the kindergarten to continue their studies within the same institution. The primary school was named the Primary Section of the Chinese Kindergarten. Upon the founding of the new school building, the number of students in the kindergarten and primary section increased to more than 500. The number of staff was over 20. The Chinese Kindergarten then became an established Chinese school. When the Primary Section of the kindergarten was formed, Rev. Tan suggested that the kindergarten could buy school buses to provide safe and convenient transport service for its students across the island. Following his advice, the Chinese Kindergarten became the first school in Singapore to provide such a service (The Chinese Kindergarten 2021, p. 32).
In 1929, the principal of the Chinese Kindergarten, Lim, left for Malaya to teach at the Methodist Girls’ School in Penang. Tan Leng Tian, one of the school’s founders, then took over the management of the kindergarten. He not only managed the kindergarten’s operation, but also took care of its financial matters. He had made a significant contribution to the development of the Chinese Kindergarten. In 1932, the Chinese Kindergarten already had about 400 students, half in the primary school section and half in the kindergarten section (Nanyang Siang Pau 1932).
The Jubilee Church founded the first kindergarten in Singapore, which enriched and improved Singapore’s education system with far-reaching significance. The founding of the Chinese Kindergarten played a leading role, and its establishment prompted other organizations to open kindergartens, contributing to the establishment of a complete education system in Singapore. The successful launch of the Chinese Kindergarten not only provided a model for early childhood education but also encouraged other primary schools to start their own kindergartens, such as Chongfu Women’s Kindergarten (崇福女校幼稚园), Nanyang Kindergarten (南洋幼稚园), and Jianguo Kindergarten (建国幼稚园). The flourishing of the preschool education scene made the structure of the education system complete in Singapore. The Jubilee Church placed equal importance on education and missionary work. In order to minimize the suspicion of the Chinese about the missionary purpose of the missionary schools, the church did not force students to join the church, nor did it promote Christianity in school education, but focused on the quality of teaching and providing quality education.
In order to secure a larger space for development and enhance their influence, Chinese Christian churches should integrate their activities within the broader Chinese community, rather than confining themselves to Christian-specific contexts. The evangelism and development of the Jubilee Church achieved great success, with the number of congregants exceeding a thousand and its social influence growing day by day. Unfortunately, in 1942, when Singapore was invaded and occupied by the Japanese army, all Christian activities were forcibly banned. Most missionaries who did not have time to escape were imprisoned in concentration camps. Tay Sek Tin passed away during this period, and the Chinese Christian community also came to a halt. The trajectory of the Chinese Christian community’s development entered a new phase, which we will discuss in the future.

6. Conclusions

This study has delved into the history of the Jubilee Church, focusing on its participation in revolutionary activities and the anti-opium movement, as well as its educational endeavors. It explores how the Chinese Christian community in Singapore engaged in social affairs and their role within the broader Chinese community. Notably, we have also discussed how social involvement promoted the development of the Chinese Christian church. The Jubilee Church founded the Singapore Reading Room, which helped to establish connections between Chinese Christians and Chinese revolutionists. Many Chinese Christians actively participated in revolutionary activities, and some of them became influential leaders in the Chinese community after the revolution’s success. Chinese Christians participated in the anti-opium movement and assisted in the formation of the Singapore Anti-Opium Society, which earned the Christian community a good reputation. The Jubilee Church established the Chinese Kindergarten, the first kindergarten in Singapore, further enhancing its status within the Chinese community. The series of social engagement activities of the Jubilee Church established a positive interactive relationship between the Chinese Christian community and the broader Chinese society. These activities not only propelled the modernization of the Chinese community but also facilitated the spread of the gospel and the development of the church.
The case of the Jubilee Church shows that Chinese Christians had a far more significant role in shaping early Singapore history than earlier historians have held. The Chinese in Singapore formed various associations in diverse ways, utilizing regional, business and religious ties. For instance, some are based on regional ties, such as the Fujian Association (福建会馆) and the Teochew Association (潮州八邑会馆); some are commercial organizations, such as the Chinese Chamber of Commerce, the Rubber Association (橡胶公会), and the Sugar Industry Bureau (糖业公局); some are religious organizations, such as the Thian Hock Keng Temple (天福宫) and the Yueh Hai Ching Temple (粤海清庙). Chinese Christians, organized by their churches, actively participated in various social activities within the Chinese community, covering multiple fields such as politics, healthcare, and education. Chinese Christians, through their participation in various social activities, established close contacts with other Chinese organizations and Western Christian churches, contributing to promoting the resolution of Chinese affairs and the development of the Chinese community. Chinese Christians interacted with various social groups through social activities, thus forming an overlapping and diverse network of interpersonal relationships and social organizations. During the spread of Christianity in modern Singapore, Chinese pastors gradually changed their roles from that of an auxiliary preacher to a dominant one. The historical activities of the Jubilee Church can enrich our understanding of the diverse aspects of the Chinese community in modern Singapore and have particular experiential value for the development of Chinese Christianity.

Author Contributions

Investigation, formal analysis, writing-original draft, Q.Z.; editing and supervision, Y.W. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

Funding

This research was funded by [Philosophy and Social Science Foundation of Guangdong Province (GD22CZZ10)] and [Philosophy and Social Science Foundation of Guangzhou: GD2023GZDD13].

Institutional Review Board Statement

Not applicable.

Informed Consent Statement

Not applicable.

Data Availability Statement

No new data were created or analyzed in this study. Data sharing is not applicable to this article.

Conflicts of Interest

The authors declare no conflict of interest.

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